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2010-6-15 08:55
If Li Xiaojuan has her way, the rest of the world will no longer be able to take cheap Chinese labour for granted. The 20-year-old, who works on the production line at a Honda components factory in Foshan, a manufacturing city in southern Guangdong province, was one of the few workers at Honda Automotive Components Manufacturing to take a public stand in an industrial action late last month. Ms Li issued an open letter on behalf of the 16 employees chosen by workers to negotiate on their behalf, during a strike that closed the Japanese carmaker's China operations for a full week. “We must maintain a high degree of unity and not let the representatives of Capital divide us,” the letter urged. “This factory's profits are the fruits of our bitter toil . . . This struggle is not just about the interests of our 1,800 workers. We also care about the rights and interests of all Chinese workers.” Ms Li and her colleagues secured a 25 per cent increase in their basic monthly salary to Rmb1,900 ($280, ￠--, ￡ --), in a victory that inspired copycat action at two other Honda suppliers in the province. Although salaries have been rising steadily in recent years, with a hiatus in 2008-09 during the global financial crisis, the successful industrial action signalled that workers now are prepared to fight for double-digit rises. This raises the wider question of whether the generous margins for manufacturers predicated on a seemingly infinite supply of low-cost Chinese labour are now under threat. For now economists say that while China is one stage in the production chain for many of the world's consumer goods, the limited amount of value actually added by the country's factories suggest that any rise in costs could have limited impact on consumers. Although China has been increasing the sophistication of its production, much of its output still relies on low value added assembly. “For the vast majority of Chinese exports, particularly consumer electronics, there will be almost no effect on the consumer at the end of the supply chain,” says Nicholas Lardy of the Peterson Institute for International Economics. He adds that labour generally represents only around 5 per cent of the retail price of consumer electronics in the US and so even a 30 per cent rise in wages in China would have a negligible impact. But this does not mean that the labour disputes will be without consequence. Tim Lawrence of UK-based PA Consulting Group, says the potential interruption of supply chains from any prolonged labour unrest in China was likely to be at least as damaging as the rise in wage costs. “A strike will be much more damaging to a company sourcing from a single factory in Asia than a small increase in costs,” he said. “If I were a company in that position I would be questioning the robustness of supply chains.” Beneficiaries of such shifts in thinking, according to others in the supply chain industry, include a range of other low cost countries with a decent technological infrastructure, including Russia, Vietnam and parts of north Africa. Stefano Bertasi, of the International Chamber of Commerce, said there had been some reports recently of European companies bringing outsourced operations closer to the home market because of concerns about reliability and quality rather than cost. Back in China, labour activists are emboldened. “I am happy to see more workers know how to protect themselves and are brave enough to express themselves,” says Huang Weimu, a Foshan-based law student who has worked under cover at local factories, documenting abuses. “Government officials get salary increases every year but most workers in [Guangdong] only earn about Rmb1,000 [a month],” adds Liu Feiyue at Livelihood Watch, an activist website. “This isn't enough with inflation. There also isn't a well established system to protect worker rights.” While events at Honda are unprecedented in terms of their effect on a major multinational employer, it is Foxconn that has focused attention on the rising anger of China's proletariat. The world's largest contract electronics manufacturer, whose clients include Apple, Dell and HP, has been shaken by a high-profile series of suicides at its “factory town” in Shenzhen, the special economic zone bordering Hong Kong. The most recent of these tragedies, last month, prompted Terry Gou, Foxconn boss, to rush to the facility to soothe the nerves of the 270,000 employees and manage the public relations disaster. The Taiwanese company subsequently announced it would more than double wages for workers who passed a three-month qualifying period. The sheer size of a factory such as Foxconn's in Shenzhen, combined with a strict approach to human resources management, mitigates against independent union activity. “The place is almost militaristic and kind of scary,” says a Hong Kong-based businessman and client who has toured the campus. For his part, Mr Gou has promised to instill a kindler, gentler corporate culture where workers no longer feel they have to work long hours of overtime to secure a decent wage. Han Dongfang, a Hong Kong-based worker activist and founder of China Labour Bulletin, says such unilateral concessions are not enough to restore calm . He notes the apparent contrast between Foxconn's first-rate physical infrastructure – amenities include cinemas and an Olympic-sized pool – and the despair clearly felt by some employees. “The only thing that can change this is to have a real trade union go through the collective bargaining procedures and say, ‘Sorry, the piece rate is that low and you ask us to make that many pieces per hour?'” says Mr Han, who was imprisoned for his efforts to organise workers during the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests. That is exactly what is happening at Honda's three strike-affected factories. None has a workforce of more than 2,000, which made it relatively easy for staff to organise outside the auspices of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions. Beijing itself is choosing to maintain a wary silence, allowing local officials and ACFTU chapters handle events one factory at a time. At Honda's transmission factory on May 31, ACFTU representatives, distinguished by their yellow baseball caps, skirmished with uniformed staff. Images of beefy strike-breakers pushing and shoving the sons and daughters of Chinese peasants made a striking image. ACFTU officials in Foshan declined repeated requests for comment. The ACFTU's Yellow Hats were not, however, able to interrupt the Honda workers' momentum. The industrial action began on May 17 at Ms Li's transmission factory. The strike garnered international attention a week later, after forcing the closures of Honda's joint-venture car plants it supplies in Guangzhou, Guangdong's capital, and the city of Wuhan in central China. In this respect it was an affront to the state as much as to the carmaker, whose joint-venture partners are government-owned enterprises. The transmission factory strike was resolved on June 4, allowing Honda to resume operations. But just two days later, reflecting the interconnected and overlapping nature of auto industry supply networks, workers at another Foshan factory that makes exhaust components went on strike, again forcing the Japanese carmaker to suspend production. And just hours before workers and management at the second Foshan factory appeared to reach a temporary resolution on June 9, their colleagues at a separate Honda door locks factory downed tools as well. There is no evidence that the workers at these factories co-ordinated their activities. Such a development would surely trigger a clampdown from central government, which permits isolated protests – indeed, strikes are a routine occurrence all over the country – but will not tolerate any attempt at wide-scale organisation. Recent events at Honda and Foxconn have turned the spotlight on disturbances that would otherwise attract little attention at home, let alone from the global media. These include a brief protest on June 6 at a Shenzhen factory belonging to Merry Electronics, a Taiwanese audio electronics-maker. There were also clashes between police and workers at KOK International, another Taiwan-owned factory near Shanghai, two days later. Workers are, however, acutely aware of strikes at other factories from reports in official media, blogs and internet chat forums. Guangdong newspapers were initially allowed to cover the first strike at Honda. At its height, most of the media camped outside the transmission factory were from local outlets. While their coverage was eventually reined in, it was too late to put the union genie back in bottle. “Power lies in unity and hope lies in defiance,” workers at KOK International wrote in a petition letter. “Witness the allowance we got at the end of last year and the successes at Honda and Foxconn, which are good examples for us.” For all their recently discovered boldness, China's workers are fully aware of the dangers they face as the labour movement enters new ground. At rallies, many Honda strikers hid their faces with surgical masks and rarely agreed to divulge their full names. Even Ms Li, spokeswoman for the transmission factory's independent worker representatives, declines a request for a face-to-face interview, saying the wage agreement with management included an undertaking not to speak to the media. “We are busy with production right now,” she says. “But everybody should protect their own rights, and sooner or later we will start to build our own independent union.” Like guerrillas after a successful skirmish, staff at Honda's transmission factory will probably continue to lie low – at least until next year's wage discussions. But they have already inspired workers across the country and, many argue, done the government a service in the process. “I think more strikes are on the way,” says Mr Liu of Livelihood Watch. “But they won't destabilise society. On the contrary, they are outlets for worker anger. Social stability will be threatened only if the government tries to limit these actions.” 如果李晓娟的心愿都得到满足，那么世界其它地区就再也不能想当然地认为中国劳动力廉价了。现年20岁的她是佛山本田汽车零部件制造有限公司(Honda Automotive Components Manufacturing)生产线上的一名女工，也是少数几名在上月下旬的劳工行动中公开亮相的工人之一。
在此次导致本田在华工厂停工整整一周的罢工期间，李晓娟代表由工人们选出的16人谈判团发出了一封公开信。“本厂员工应该保持高度的团结，避免被资方所分化，”信中呼吁道。“我们知道本工厂每年盈利以十亿计，这是我们工人辛苦劳动的成果……我们的维权斗争不仅仅是为了本厂1800个员工的利益，我们也关心整个国家工人的权益。” 罢工的结果是，李晓娟和她的同事们基本月薪增加25%，至1900元人民币（合280美元）。这一胜利鼓舞本田在广东省另外两家供应商的工人们也奋起效仿。尽管近几年工人的工资一直在稳步增加（仅在2008-09年全球金融危机期间短暂中断），但此次成功的劳工行动表明，工人们现在准备争取两位数的加薪幅度。 这就提出了一个更广泛的问题：制造商基于看似取之不尽的廉价中国劳动力的丰厚利润率，如今是否面临着威胁。 就目前而言，经济学家表示，尽管对于世界上许多消费品而言，中国是生产链上的一环，但中国工厂增加的价值实际上很有限，这似乎表明，成本上升对消费者的影响也会有限。尽管中国的生产能力越来越强，但大部分产出仍依赖低附加值的组装。 华盛顿彼得森国际经济研究所(Peterson Institute for International Economics)的尼古拉斯?拉迪(Nicholas Lardy)表示：“就绝大多数中国出口商品（尤其是电子消费品）而言，供应链末端的消费者几乎不会受到什么影响。”他补充称，劳动力成本一般仅占电子消费品美国零售价的5%左右，因此，即使中国工人加薪30%，产生的影响也可以忽略不计。 但这并不是说劳资纠纷没有后果。英国博安咨询集团(PA Consulting Group)的蒂姆?劳伦斯(Tim Lawrence)表示，中国若发生长时间劳资纠纷，造成供应链中断，其破坏性可能不亚于工资成本的上升。 “对那些在亚洲只有一家供应厂商的公司而言，这种破坏将远远大于成本小幅增长，”他表示。“我若是处在这种境况下的公司，我会对供应链的牢固性产生疑问。” 供应链行业的其它厂商表示，这种思维转变的受惠者包括俄罗斯、越南和北非部分国家等一些拥有良好技术基础设施的低成本经济体。 国际商会(International Chamber of Commerce)的斯特凡诺?贝尔塔西(Stefano Bertasi)表示，最近有一些报道称，由于担心可靠性及质量（而非成本），一些欧洲公司将外包业务迁往更靠近本土的地方。 在中国，劳工维权人士受到了鼓励。“我很高兴看到更多工人知道如何去保护自己，并敢于表达自己的想法，”黄伟木这样表示。他在佛山一些工厂里卧底，记录厂方的各种不当行为。 维权网站民生观察(Livelihood Watch)的刘飞跃补充称，“政府官员每年都涨工资，但（广东）大多数工人（每月）只挣1000元左右。考虑到通胀，这根本不够。也没有一套完善的劳工权利保护体制。” 尽管就对一家主要跨国企业的影响而言，本田罢工事件是前所未有的，但人们对中国工人日益高涨的愤怒的关注焦点却是富士康(Foxconn)。 该公司深圳“工业园区”发生的一系列备受关注的自杀事件，令这家全球最大电子代工厂商震惊不已——富士康的客户包括苹果(Apple)、戴尔(Dell)和惠普(HP)。上月最新一起悲剧事件促使集团董事长郭台铭(Terry Gou)赶到工厂，试图安抚27万名员工的不安情绪，并化解这场公关灾难。富士康随后宣布，将通过3个月试用期的员工工资上调一倍以上。 富士康深圳工厂规模庞大，加上人力资源管理严格，这些因素抑制了独立的工会活动。“那地方几乎是军队式管理，有些可怕，”一位富士康客户、曾参观过园区的香港商人这样说道。至于郭台铭，他已承诺营造一种更友善、更温情的企业文化，让工人们不再感到自己只有通过长时间加班，才能获得一份体面的工资。 香港劳工维权人士、《中国劳工通讯》(China Labour Bulletin)创始人韩东方表示，这种单方面妥协不足以恢复平静。他指出，富士康一流的基础设施（电影院及奥运规格的游泳池等休闲设施）与一些员工明显的绝望情绪形成了鲜明对比。 韩东方表示：“唯一能改变这种现状的，是让一个真正的工会参与集体谈判程序，并且说，‘抱歉，计件工资这么低，而你们却要求我们每小时生产这么多件产品？'”韩东方曾因试图在1989年天安门广场抗议期间组织工人而遭监禁。 这正是本田三家受罢工影响的工厂中正在发生的事情。三家工厂员工人数均不超过2000人，使工人们相对容易地撇开中华全国总工会，自己组织起来。 北京方面选择保持谨慎的沉默，允许地方官员和总工会分会逐一处理各家工厂的罢工。5月31日，在本田变速器工厂，总工会代表——从他们的黄色棒球帽可以辨认出来——与身穿制服的员工发生了肢体冲突。魁梧的工会代表推搡着中国农民子女的景象令人难忘。中华全国总工会佛山分会的官员们拒绝了记者再三请其置评的请求。 然而，总工会代表们未能阻挡本田工人的势头。劳工行动5月17日始于李晓娟所在的变速器工厂。1周后，随着本田位于广州和武汉的合资整车厂被迫停工，罢工行动开始受到国际社会的关注。从这方面讲，这是对中国政府和本田两方面的叫板——本田的合资伙伴均为国有企业。 变速器工厂的罢工于6月4日获得解决，本田得以复工。但仅仅2天后，佛山另一家排气装置零部件工厂的工人宣布罢工，迫使本田再次停产。这反映了汽车业供应网络彼此相连和重叠的特性。6月9日，就在第二家佛山工厂的工人与管理层即将达成临时协议之前几个小时，本田一家制锁厂的工人也宣布罢工。 没有迹象表明，这些工厂工人的行动是经过协调的。若出现协同行动的动态，势必会招来中央政府的压制——北京方面允许独立的抗议（的确，罢工在全国各地经常发生），但不会容许任何大范围组织的行为。 本田和富士康最近发生的事件，让其它一些本来在国内（更别提全球媒体了）不会吸引到什么关注的罢工行动也成为关注焦点。6月6日，台湾音响电子制造商美律实业(Merry Electronics)在深圳的工厂举行了短暂罢工。2天后，在昆山的台资工厂书元机械(KOK International)，警方与工人也爆发了冲突。 不过，工人们通过官方媒体的报道、博客和互联网聊天论坛，对其它工厂的罢工十分了解。本田发生首起罢工后，广东各家报纸最初获准报道。罢工发展到白热化阶段后，驻扎在变速器工厂外的大多数媒体为本土媒体。尽管他们的报道最终被叫停，但放出魔瓶的工会精灵却收不回来了。“团结就是力量，抗争才有希望，”一名书元机械工人在一封请愿书中写道。“远有去年的年终奖，近有本田，富士康，这都是我们的榜样和力量。” 尽管中国的工人们近来展示了自己的勇敢，但随着工人运动进入了新局面，他们完全清楚自己面前的危险。在群众集会中，许多本田罢工者用口罩遮住了自己的脸，也不愿吐露自己的全名。 即使是变速器厂的独立工人代表发言人李晓娟，也拒绝接受面对面的采访。她表示，与管理层达成的工资协议中，包括了不接受媒体采访的保证。“我们现在忙着生产，”她说。“但人人都应保护自己的权利，迟早我们会开始成立我们自己的独立工会。” 就像小有斩获的游击队员一样，本田变速器工厂的员工们很可能会保持低姿态——至少等到明年的工资谈判之时。但他们已鼓舞了全国各地的工人们，而且许多人辩称，他们在这一过程中还帮了政府一个忙。“我认为会出现更多的罢工，”民生观察的刘飞跃表示。“但这些罢工不会破坏社会的稳定。相反，它们是工人宣泄愤怒的途径。只有当政府试图限制这些行为时，才会威胁到社会稳定。” |