【英语国际】美国如何扩大对华出口

President Barack Obama has previously said that the US needs to make a decision on labelling China a “currency manipulator”. Such a statement is not what has come to be expected by China and has been deemed entirely unacceptable. When officials from both sides meet in Beijing today for the latest round of the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, they will certainly have plenty to talk about.

US policymakers say they seek a positive relationship. They believe that disputes and collaboration can be compartmentalised. But, with the economic crisis, confrontation on some issues and co-operation on others cannot be kept apart. Nothing is trivial because negative statements, incidents and trends affect public opinion and policymaking in both nations.

Both sides had established a relatively sound base for co-operation in managing the world financial crisis, but then the US implemented tariffs on steel, tyres and other goods made in China, introduced anti-dumping, anti-subsidy and special protectionist tariffs, and launched six investigations into alleged unfair practices in export trade. A 53 per cent increase in the number of disputes involved $7.6bn of Chinese exports.

Mr Obama has pledged to double US exports to raise competitiveness and stimulate America's economy. But to increase exports to China, the US needs to remove policies that restrict trade and propose ones that benefit both nations.

Currently, China and the US are each other's second-largest trading partners. Both have suffered from shrinking exports, but bilateral trade has fared relatively well. However, attempts by Chinese companies to strengthen US-China trade are often blocked by the US government and narrowly focused interest groups. US policymakers need to protect what is of mutual interest instead of getting entangled in trade disputes and politicising economic disputes for short-term benefits.

America is used to having it all its own way. In 1972, as the US opened diplomatic relations with China, it abandoned pegging the dollar to gold. That enabled it – through its monopoly on printing US dollars – to create huge trade and investment advantages. Its economy grew strongly as it managed the value of its currency at the expense of other nations.

Washington has not always fully acknowledged that from 2000, the year China joined the World Trade Organisation, to 2008 the US dollar declined against many currencies, while from 2005 to 2008 Beijing gradually increased the US dollar exchange rate of the renminbi by 21 per cent.

The US stimulus plan increased America's debt and deficits and will decrease the value of the dollar. China increased its holding of dollars as America's other trading partners reduced theirs. As the US financial crisis loomed, China pegged the renminbi to increase stability and exert a positive influence on its economic recovery. It will keep a relatively stable renminbi exchange rate to ensure its economic growth is steady rather than uncontrollable, which would harm all nations. Currently, China is providing stability as the largest holder of US government debt and US dollar-denominated reserves.

China-US relations changed when the world learnt that America's financial system would collapse unless the government saved insolvent US-based global banks, insurance companies and carmakers. The bail-out turned the US government into the largest shareholder of formerly privately-owned companies, subsidising their commercial failure. Laisser faire theories, which US policymakers still demand that China adopt, were suddenly replaced by massive US government control of market forces.

The US often pursues policies that are “win-win” for itself alone. Its policy-makers would undermine China's vital national security and economic interests while seeking China's help in protecting America's vital interests. But the reality is that the policies America proposed are implementable and sustainable only if they are beneficial also for China. The Strategic and Economic Dialogue should focus on new US policies instead of trying to change China's policies, which are essential for global economic recovery.

Huo Jianguo is president, Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Co-operation, a subsidiary of China's Ministry of Commerce. John Milligan-Whyte is chairman, the Center for America-China Partnership

美国总统巴拉克?奥巴马(Barack Obama)曾表示，美国必须决定是否把中国列为“汇率操纵国”。这种说法出乎中国的意料之外，中国认为这完全不可接受。两国官员将在北京开始新一轮的“战略经济对话”，届时他们想必会讨论许多问题。

美国政策制定者表示，他们谋求与中国发展一种积极的关系。他们认为，争议与协作是可以区分开来的。然而，随着经济危机的爆发，在某些问题上的对抗，与在其它一些问题上的合作，却俨然不可分隔。没有什么是无关紧要的。一切负面的言辞、事件和倾向，都会影响中美两国的民间舆论和政府决策。

在应对全球金融危机方面，双方已建立起相对稳固的合作基础。但是，美国随后对中国生产的钢铁和轮胎等商品加征关税，实施反倾销、反补贴和特别保护主义关税，并对中方的所谓不公平出口贸易措施展开了6项调查。贸易争端增加了53%，共涉及价值76亿美元的中国出口商品。

奥巴马承诺将美国出口额翻一番，增强美国商品的竞争力，刺激美国经济增长。然而，要扩大对华出口，美国必须撤消限制贸易的政策，转而制定对双方都有利的政策。

目前，中国和美国互为对方的第二大贸易伙伴国。两国出口都在持续萎缩，但双边贸易保持相对良好。不过，中国企业寻求增强美中贸易的努力，往往受阻于美国政府和目光狭隘的利益集团。美国政策制定者必须维护对双方都有利的做法，不能为了短期利益而陷入贸易争端，并把经济争端政治化。

美国过去一贯我行我素。1972年美中建交时，美国抛弃了美元盯住黄金的政策。由于美国独占印发美元的权利，这种做法让它享有了巨大的贸易和投资优势。通过操纵美元币值，美国在损害他国利益的情况下，实现了强劲的经济增长。

从2000年中国加入世贸组织(WTO)到2008年期间，美元兑许多货币的汇率普遍下跌——对此美国并不总是由衷承认。而2005年至2008年期间，中国允许人民币兑美元汇率逐步升值了21%。

美国的经济刺激计划提高了其债务和赤字水平，也将导致美元贬值。当美国其它贸易伙伴国减持美元资产时，中国却增持美元。当美国金融危机迫近时，中国再度把人民币盯住美元，以增强稳定性，利于本国经济复苏。中国将继续保持人民币的相对稳定，以确保本国经济稳定增长而不致失控（那将损害所有国家的利益）。目前，作为美国国债和美元计价储备资产的最大持有者，中国正发挥着稳定作用。

当世人认识到，如果美国政府不出面拯救本国濒临破产的全球性银行、保险公司和汽车制造商，美国金融体系就会崩溃时，中美关系发生了改变。为金融业纾困，让美国政府变成了昔日私人所有企业的最大股东，为它们的经营失败埋单。美国政府控制市场力量的大举行动，突然取代了自由放任理论，而美国政策制定者却仍然要求中国采纳这一理论。

美国常常奉行只有利于自身“双赢”的政策。美国政策制定者既要破坏中国切身的国家安全和经济利益，又寻求中国帮助维护美国的切身利益。可在现实世界中，美国提出的政策，除非也有利于中国，否则不可能得到落实和长久维系。“战略经济对话”应把重点放在调整美国政策、而非试图改变中国政策上，这对于全球经济复苏至关重要。

霍建国是中国商务部国际贸易经济合作研究院(Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Co-operation)院长

约翰?米勒-怀特(John Milligan-Whyte)系美中伙伴关系研究中心(the Center for America-China Partnership)主席

译者/杨远